Session 1A. 3) Dr Veronica Hendrick (John Jay College of Criminal Justice City University of New York) - PDF

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Abstracts Booklet Session 1A 1) Andrew Robinson (University of Ulster) Sir John Clotworthy and the destruction of Peter Paul Rubens s Crucifixion On 30 March 1643 members of the trained bands of London
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Abstracts Booklet Session 1A 1) Andrew Robinson (University of Ulster) Sir John Clotworthy and the destruction of Peter Paul Rubens s Crucifixion On 30 March 1643 members of the trained bands of London and Middlesex, led by two prominent MPs, entered Queen Henrietta Maria s royal chapel at Somerset House in the first act of officially sanctioned parliamentary iconoclasm of the English civil war. This action has been portrayed as a blatant act of state sponsored destruction of popish religious symbols inside the chapel, driven by the firebrand and future regicide MP Henry Marten, and the tirelessly godly, tirelessly violent, and half-mad Ulsterman Sir John Clotworthy. At first glance this episode appears to be nothing more than an example of the ever-growing anti-laudian/popery iconoclasm that gripped civil war England throughout the 1640s. This paper will look at the destruction of one item in particular inside the chapel itself Peter Paul Rubens s Crucifixion, for which Sir John Clotworthy has been held responsible. Diane Purkiss for example described Rubens as Henrietta s hireling, ambassador for popery, keen demonizer of revolutionary energies, and that Clotworthy and Marten wanted to destroy the painting not only because it was art, but because it was good art. This is certainly one aspect of their violent conduct towards this piece of Baroque religious propaganda. However, this paper will consider that the destruction of the painting symbolized much more than simple iconoclasm, and will argue that its ruin represented four decades worth of barely suppressed dissatisfaction at Stuart foreign policy. Therefore, this paper will reconsider the international connotations of this act of iconoclasm, and how the English Parliament sought to realign relations with France, Spain, the United Provinces, Denmark and the exiled Bohemian court during the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. 2) Bronagh McShane (NUIM) Representations of violence against women in 1641 Rebellion literature Graphic images of violence against women played a crucial role in the mythologization (N. McAreavey, 2010) of the 1641 rebellion. Tales of the murder and dismemberment of women particularly mothers and pregnant women quickly came to represent the story of Catholic atrocity and cruelty. This paper will explore representations of women as victims of violence during the rebellion as portrayed in the abundant literature, published in the immediate years and decades following the event. It will examine how the destruction of motherhood in particular, one of the most important characteristics of female identity in the seventeenth century, is emphasised in the gruesome and graphic descriptions and images of the period. Key texts examined include Henry Jones s Remonstrance (1642), John Temple s The Irish Rebellion (1646) as well as early pamphlet accounts. It will explore the extent to which Protestant female victims of 1641 were represented by contemporary writers as a new type of religious martyr for the Protestant cause (later to be taken up and incorporated into Protestant martyrologies in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries). It will argue that accounts of the suffering of Protestant female martyrs of 1641, like earlier accounts of Catholic female martyrs in the sixteenth century, penned by martyrologists such as John Howlin and David Rothe, served to foster a collective sense of a persecuted faith and thus aided in the polarisation of confessional and sectarian divisions in early modern Ireland. 3) Dr Veronica Hendrick (John Jay College of Criminal Justice City University of New York) Testimony of an Irish Slave Girl: Indentured servants and the influence of Cromwell Kate McCafferty stestimony of an Irish Slave Girl describes the plight of the fictional Cot Daley and the events of her young life first in Ireland then as an indentured servant in Barbados. Although not ideal, her childhood in Ireland was that of a respectable under classed family. Unfortunately, one winter s day, while caroling with other children from her village, Cot was swept up in one of the nets of Oliver Cromwell s men, who were sent to Ireland to cleanse the country of the inhabitants refusing to relinquish their land. This policy created an Irish trade where captives were transported to Barbados, from which the term Barbadosed came, and sold as indentured servants. The sweeps of Ireland extended beyond the deportation of political dissidents and moved into random, opportunistic capture of unprotected men, women, and children. Cot was one of these children who were sold to British planters in the islands. The number of Irish who were Barbadosed is unknown and estimates vary widely, but those who were sent to Barbados intermingled with African slaves and joined in the slave revolts on the island. The story that Cot shares in her testimony reflects her indictment as a member of a mixed-race plot to overthrow the slaveholding system. Her tale tells of the worst possible treatment suffered as an indentured servant under the programs established by Cromwell which continued throughout the seventeenth century and into the eighteenth. 2 Session 1B 1) Dr Sparky Booker (TCD) Sumptuary law in Tudor Ireland in its European context Legislation and ordinances regulating dress in colonial Ireland were issued by the Irish parliament, civic authorities, and the English crown during the reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII. Historians have rarely examined this legislation in detail, and have most often discussed it purely in its Irish context, and as a manifestation of the division and hostility between the English of Ireland and the Irish. Ireland has not been very well integrated into general surveys of sumptuary law, which tend either to ignore it entirely, or erroneously cite laws regulating dress in the colony as evidence of the way that sumptuary law can be used to suppress the identity of ethnic groups, like the Irish. Conversely, Irish historiography has not looked to European examples or trends to determine how Irish sumptuary laws fit into that wider framework in fact, though the laws regulating dress issued in 1297 and 1366 are familiar in Irish historiography, those from the fifteenth and sixteenth century are not well known and sumptuary law has not been given adequate attention by historians of late medieval Ireland. This paper will explore the ways in which laws regulating dress in the English colony in Ireland from differed from English and European sumptuary laws, and also look at the ways in which they were similar. It will use this information to draw some conclusions about what circumstances shaped these laws and made them necessary, placing Irish sumptuary law in its wider British and European context. 2) Simon Egan (UCC) Enemies to the left, enemies to the right: the politics of the wider Gaelic world and the collapse of the MacDonald Lordship of the Isles, c Gaelic Scottish intervention in Ulster and Connacht during the late fifteenth century is a relatively neglected area of study, particularly in relation to the advent of the Tudors in Ireland. Since the 1430s the MacDonald Lords of the Isles had maintained the dominant position in the northern Irish Sea world. However, due to pressure from a resurgent Scottish monarchy, the pan-insular MacDonald lordship began to crumble during the 1470s. Consequently, the fracturing of MacDonald power created the situation where Gaelic Scottish factions, most notably Clan Campbell of Argyll, looked to Gaelic Ireland as a means of encircling the MacDonalds. Standard histories that have examined the collapse of MacDonald power have done so from a Scottish perspective, pointing to events in Scotland as the main reason for the implosion of the MacDonald lordship. As a corollary to this, studies of Gaelic Scottish factions and their role in weakening the MacDonalds, have remained within this Scottish framework, without exploring how the Campbells, Scottish crown or the new Tudor administration regarded Ulster and Connacht as important strategic interests. By looking in detail at instances of Gaelic Scottish intervention in Ulster and Connacht in the late fifteenth century, namely that of the Campbells, MacLeans and MacDougalls, this paper will explore the politics of the wider Gaelic world. Central to this is the concept that the MacDonalds were not only faced with the ominous presence of the Scottish crown in the east, they were in fact in competition with the Campbells for allies in Ireland. 3) Dr Mark Hutchinson (UCC) Governing in a state of grace? Reformed theology and statist thought in Elizabethan Ireland From an English perspective Ireland was in a state of civil disobedience, since the queen s writ did not extend much beyond Dublin and its localities, and it remained a central objective of Irish government to reform the island to long-term order. By the 1580s, however, there was to be a significant shift in policy discussions. Under the reformed protestant Henry Sidney the policy debate had focused on the role of free will, grace and individual conscience in the process of man s reform. By the time of John Perrot s appointment in 1584, however, the debate had shifted away from questions concerning the reform of the political community and instead came to focus on the maintenance of the authority and structures of the state. This paper will seek to explain why these religiously inspired reformers in Ireland were to turn to secular statist thought. It will argue that policy discussion in Ireland over civil obedience, and the role individual conscience played in man s reform, can be seen as an extension of a wider European debate, where reformed protestant resistant theory in the Netherlands and France was to consider whether the dictates of individual conscience, in the context of ungodly rule, allowed for acts of civil disobedience. Furthermore, Irish policy was to follow the pattern of debate in Europe, where Bodin and Lipsius came to discuss the nature of political authority in a state and in so doing bypassed the polity and as a result the question of conscience and political obedience. 3 Session 2A 1) Neil Johnston (UCD) From the Humble Desires to the Act of Settlement: Restoration politics, Studies of Restoration Ireland are understandably dominated by analysis of the land settlement. Yet, the long-term importance of this political process demands a reassessment of the first two years of Restoration Ireland and this paper will re-examine the several rounds of negotiations and debates that took place before a final bill of settlement received the royal assent in Beginning with the presentation of the Humble Desires of the General Convention of Ireland in June 1660 and finishing with a discussion of the Act of Settlement, this paper will show how the Irish Protestant interest pursued its aim of securing land, parliament and religion. This was a complicated process and at several points their goals caused a backlash in both Dublin and London. Charles II s interest in this process was stronger than has been previously suggested and along with several of his senior counsellors at Whitehall, he acted as buffer to some of the more aggressive Protestant proposals. Catholic efforts to resist the Protestant interest s plans will form part of this paper by looking at their efforts to pressurise the king to enforce the 1649 Articles of Peace. The paper will conclude with an assessment of how closely the Protestant interest managed to incorporate their initial goals into the Act of Settlement of ) Jess Velona (Columbia Law School) Sir Audley Mervyn's speech demanding reforms in the Court of Claims: A reinterpretation through the lens of legal history This paper will reinterpret from the perspective of legal history a significant political event in Restoration Ireland: the February 1663 speech about the Court of Claims by Sir Audley Mervyn, Speaker of the Protestant-dominated House of Commons. The Court of Claims challenge, as a newly-created legal institution, was to impartially implement the Act of Settlement amidst deep political conflict. Historians have properly situated Mervyn s speech in this political struggle. The Commons, alarmed the Court was finding many Catholics innocent of rebellion and restoring them to Protestant-held land, sought to change the Court s rules. While Charles II s government rebuffed Mervyn, the Court soon was allowed to expire without hearing most Catholic claims. Still, what did Mervyn say? The political account has portrayed his speech as a mere list of demands, mentioned a few with an apparent Protestant bias, and quoted some inflammatory language. This paper will portray Mervyn s speech as it was: a 38-page document making 20 proposals, notably about jury trial, burden of proof, and admitting historical documents. Crucially, Mervyn defended his proposals with detailed legal reasoning, citing cases and interpretative rules to demonstrate Court deviations from English legal principles. The paper will assess examples of those arguments, concluding some were legally reasonable by the standards of Mervyn s time. His political bias should not obscure plausible criticism of the Court. Further research should consider whether the Court, by modifying some procedures, might have muted Protestant opposition enough to buy time to continue its work, benefiting Catholics in the long run. 3) Danielle McCormack (EUI) The English Protestant danger in Ireland and the Restoration land settlement, By early 1663 the Irish Court of Claims, which adjudicated on claims to property that had been transferred by the Cromwellian settlement of Ireland during the 1650s, had created an atmosphere of frenzy among the English Protestants of Ireland. The commissioners of the court were threatened by the Irish House of Commons and were in danger of impeachment. The publication of the speech of the Commons speaker, Sir Audley Mervyn, fanned the flames of discontent and it was at this point that the lord lieutenant, James Butler, Duke of Ormond, disclosed his intelligence that a plot to take Dublin Castle, which came to be known as Blood s Plot, was afoot. This paper will explore the links between the grievances of politicians such as Mervyn and plots furthered by men such as Thomas Blood. It will also analyse the effect that the emergence of the plots had on the administration of the Restoration settlement of Ireland. 4 Session 2B 1) Helen Sonner (QUB) Harping to some purpose: Francis Bacon and the rhetoric of Plantation Contemporary critics, working in various disciplines, have struggled to reconcile Francis Bacon the moral philosopher and Francis Bacon the colonial apologist. In their diverse readings, however, most critics have approached Bacon s writings on plantation in Ireland as merely rhetorical context to the realpolitik found in texts produced by figures such as Arthur Chichester or John Davies. In a memorable phrase, nineteenth-century historian George Hill highlighted Bacon s figurative deployment of the harps of Ireland, Orpheus, and David in Certain Considerations Touching the Plantation in Ireland (1609), and asserted that Bacon s treatise was harping to little purpose so far as any practical remarks on the plantation of Ulster are concerned (An Historical Account of the Plantation of Ulster(1877), p. 72). This paper offers a new model for understanding Bacon s role in the history of Jacobean Ireland. I will argue that Certain Considerations offered James a practical New Year s gift on the eve of 1609: a demonstration of how the rhetoric of plantation could advance Jacobean policies in Ireland. I will then trace how those rhetorical strategies were actually deployed over the course of James s reign, and suggest that the rhetoric of plantation had material effects which troubled Jacobean Ireland and which continue to complicate our readings of Jacobean texts. I will then offer a reading of Bacon s 1625 Of Plantations, and suggest that this iconic text reveals that Bacon himself was having difficulty reconciling his long-standing rhetoric of plantation against the weight of history. 2) Dr John Flood (University of Groningen) Walter Quin: A Dublin poet at the Stuart Court Walter Quin (d. c. 1634) was one of the earliest Irish-born poets to produce a body of literary work written in English. He first appears in Elizabethan intelligence reports sent from Scotland, where his poetry in support of the succession of James VI to the English throne was considered significant enough to rank alongside accounts of seditious priests stirring up trouble in Ulster (one of the results of this is that a poetry collection of Quin s was transcribed in the Calendar of State Papers). Appointed a tutor to Prince Henry, Quin followed James to London where he associated with many of the betterknown poets of his day. In addition to poetry, in England he also wrote a history of Bernard Stuart (d. 1508) and a digest of neo-stoic philosophy, Corona virtutum(1613), that went through four seventeenth-century editions. As a reward for his services to the Stuarts he received revenues and monopolies in Ireland. Most of Quin s adult life was lived in Scotland and England and this is where he did most of his writing. Despite this he proclaims his Irish origins on the title pages of two of his works and, given their extent and their political nature, his writings deserve more attention from scholars of Tudor and Stuart Ireland. 3) Professor Andrew Carpenter (UCD) Literary subcultures in Restoration Dublin This paper considers the previously unexplored literary subcultures in Restoration Dublin and the extraordinary poems they produced. It suggests probable authors for several of the indecent and aggressively anti-catholic manuscript poems of the period. 5 Session 3A 1) Dr Marie-Louise Coolahan (NUIG) as wicked a womann, as ever was bred in Ireland : Biographical sources for the study of early modern Irish women Since MacCurtain and O Dowd s pioneering essay collection of 1991, much new research on the politics, agency, and writing of early modern Irishwomen has been published. But the surviving biographical evidence is often piecemeal or reliant on accidents of social class. It can rest solely on literary attribution, as is the case with the poet, CaitilínDubh, whose authorship of five elegies on the O Briens of Thomond is attested but of whom biographical information is so scant as to preclude her from a reference work such as the Dictionary of Irish Biography. Even ostensibly autobiographical writing such as the conversion narratives of John Rogers s Independent congregation at Christ Church, Dublin omits dates of birth and death considered essential to such scholarly volumes. This paper examines how early modern Irish women have come to notice and the kinds of biographical information privileged and promoted in contemporary sources. It investigates the range of sources available in order to interrogate the data that can be gleaned, the biases towards which sources are skewed, and the partial pictures of women s lives that are preserved for the historical record. Sources to be discussed will include: state correspondence, letters, 1641 depositions, nuns obituaries and chronicles. As signalled in the title quotation, contemporaries expressed strong opinions; accordingly, the generic predispositions of sources will be considered. The paper concludes with an exploration of the criteria determining biographical significance; where do we draw the line in selecting women for scholarly attention? 2) Dr Julie Eckerle (University of Minnesota, Morris) Through the Irish looking glass: Re-contextualizing Englishwomen s life writing Recent studies of early modern women s life writing in England and Scotland have led to a much more nuanced and productive understanding of the rhetorical complexity of women s life writing in this period, especially in regards to the rich links
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